Debts & Loans

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Beliefs give us a clue to the larger cycles as well. People must play the roles that have been thrust upon them for debt consolidation. They are bullish near the end of a bull market; they are bearish near the end of the bear market. If it were otherwise, the market could never fully express itself. If investors grew suddenly cautious while nearing an epic bull market peak, they would sell their stocks, and the peak would never be reached.

Or suppose that after several years of soaring house prices home owners came to believe that housing prices would fall? How could you have a proper housing debt consolidation? How can you have a rip-roaring party without anyone getting drunk, in other words? How can people make fools of themselves if they are unwilling to get up on the tables and dance? These are deep philosophical questions about debt consolidation.

But they help us recognize where we may be in the cycle. As prices reach a loony excess, peoples’ ideas grow loony too. Ergo, the loonier the ideas the more likely it is that a turning point is near; the wilder the party, the more likely someone will call the gendarmes. We also suspect that attitudes evolve similarly in an imperial cycle, during which a country’s economic, financial, and military power runs up over several generations and then declines. At the peak, the imperial people come to believe that their system is superior, that their values are universal, and that their way of life will inevitably dominate the entire world.

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Readers will recognize these attitudes in a famous article by Francis Fukayama, written after the fall of the Soviet Union, in which he suggested that the world may have reached the “End of History.” It was the end of history because the system had triumphed - no improvement seemed possible. Fukayama’s idea was not original. Hegel and Marxist intellectuals had proposed the same thing more than a hundred years earlier. With the victory of the proletariat, no further advance could be made. History had to stop debt consolidation. Hegel stopped ticking. Marx died, too. History continued. But when people feel they are on top of the world, they begin to take things for granted that they previously thought absurd. As we mentioned earlier, now depend on the savings of Communist China in order to pay for their lifestyles…and their wars to make the world safe for democracy. They do so without thinking. Subconsciously, they’ve come to believe what imperial people always seem to believe - that their society is so superior, that the rest of the world longs to be just like them or is inevitably drawn to become like them, whether they like it or not.

That’s the premise behind the billions of pounds investing in debt consolidation. A few years ago if someone had suggested that they invest in a communist country they would have thought the person mad. China is still run by veterans of various “great leaps forward,” but are convinced that they’re all leaping to become just like us - capitalists and democrats at heart! So vain are we that we can’t imagine anyone wanting to be anything else.

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Likewise, we were recently in Nicaragua. We have a house down there, and we buy more land whenever we get an opportunity. Prices have soared in the past five years. Someone bought a beach-front lot recently for 350,000 pounds, a price that would have been thought insane a few years ago. Nicaragua is, after all, a third-world country. It is also a country that was run by communists until a few years ago. One of the communists is now a leading candidate to become president in the next election. And right now, the nation’s politicians are debating a proposed law that would declare all land within 200 meters of high tide “public.” In effect, we’d all lose our land, our houses, and the money we’ve invested down there. But none of us quite believe it will happen, because we’re convinced that they all want to be just like us - and we’d never do such a thing as debt consolidation.

And of course, the invasion of Iraq was based on the same sort of thinking: that even the grubby desert tribes want to be just like us. All we have to do is to get the dictator off their backs and the men will start building shopping malls and the women will all start dressing like Britney Spears. Those are the sort of delusions you get at the top of an imperial cycle. But culture, political systems, and economies are never as universal and eternal as we think. Instead, everything evolves. Even in France, our closest cousins do not share our American attitudes. In the United States, we all seek to maximize our incomes. We work long hours. We start enterprises.

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We invest. In France, people do not seek to maximize their incomes. Instead, what they want to maximize is their leisure, and the quality of their lives. They spend more time talking about how to cook the bacon than they do about how to bring it home. France once had a European Empire and debt consolidation that reached from Spain to Moscow. Later, it had a worldwide empire, with subject countries and colonies in Africa, the West Indies, and the South Pacific. From the time of Richelieu to the time of Leon Blum, France had one of the most powerful armies on earth.

But there never was a cycle that didn’t want to turn. And the imperial cycle turns along with the rest of them. For many generations, the French believed they had the finest culture, the best schools, the most advanced scientists, and the most dynamic builders in the world. France saw its mission as bringing the benefits of its civilization - of win rouge and the Rights of Man - to the rest of the globe debt consolidation.

But now it’s our turn. It is we who think we have the best culture, the best economy, the best government, and the best army the world has ever seen. Now, it is we who have the burden of the “mission.” It is our duty to bring freedom and democracy to this tattered old ball; our president said so.

How did we become an empire? We don’t recall the question ever coming up. There was never a debate on the subject. There was never a national referendum. No presidential candidate ever suggested it. Nobody ever said, “Hey, let’s be an empire!” People do not choose to have an empire for debt consolidation; it chooses them. Gradually and unconsciously, their thoughts, beliefs, and institutions are refashioned to the imperial agenda.

While there has been no discussion of whether we should be an empire, there has been much public clucking on the specific points of the imperial agenda. Should we attack Iran or Iraq debt consolidation? Should we have national identity cards? Should we suspend the Bill of Rights in order to combat terrorists more effectively?

Many people wondered what the point of the war against Iraq was and their debt consolidation. The country had no part in terrorist attacks. Au contraire, Saddam’s Iraq was a bulwark of secular pragmatism in an area unsettled by religious fanaticism. It was the religious fanatics who posed a danger, said the papers, not the ruthless dictators who suppressed them. Others wondered if an attack on Iraq would make the world safer or more dangerous.

But the big question had already been settled without ever having been raised. Why should we care what happened in the mid east or anywhere else? Did the Swiss wonder what kind of government Iraq should have? Did the Swiss try to make the rest of the world more like Switzerland, or allow themselves the vain fantasy of imagining that everyone on the planet secretly yearned to be more like the Swiss themselves or debt consolidation?